February, 2025 -

German election: Instability and polarization strengthened

News and analysis, National politics, Europe 25 February 2025

The political contours of the “Zeitenwende” – the “turning point – the geopolitical shift that is bringing down the once-successful model of German capitalism have been sharpened with the elections of 23 February. By Christian, Leuven 24 February 2025 With 16.4%, the social-democratic SPD achieved its worst result since 1890, when Friedrich Engels was still alive. The far-right “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) has more than doubled its votes. With support standing at 20.8%, this is the best result for a reactionary fascist-leaning party in Germany since 1933. With the exception of a few urban constituencies, notably in Berlin, the AfD dominates the former East Germany. With 28.5%, the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) achieved their second worst result since 1949. The liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP), which has been the third largest party in West Germany in the post-war period, has not reached the electoral threshold to gain parliamentary representation. Germany is overtaking the rest of the world in terms of political instability and polarization. In recent years, the so-called “traffic light” coalition of the SPD, Greens and FDP, which collapsed in November, was already following the global trend in which dominant layers of the bourgeoisie were becoming more sympathetic to the far-right. Friedrich Merz, who is likely to become chancellor, and embodies that turn. He was a member of an ultra-reactionary student union in his youth and rose through the ranks of the German branch of Black Rock, the world’s largest asset manager, before becoming head of the CDU in 2018. Despite his flirtation with the AfD, Merz says he will not form a coalition with the far right. That would be too disruptive for German capital. The most likely coalition is that of Christian Democrats and Social Democrats. The Greens are not needed because the FPD and Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) failed to reach the 5% electoral threshold. Cuts and divisions on the agenda The growth forecast for the German economy this year has recently been lowered to 0.3%. This reflects the uncertainty about what the Trump Presidency means for Germany’s export-oriented economy. It follows two consecutive years of recession, with the economy shrinking by 0.3% and 0.2%, respectively. Disputes over the ‘Schuldenbremse’, which prohibits any deficit of more than 0.35% of GDP, caused the fall of the previous government. They will remain very problematic for the future coalition under Merz. Even if fiscal discipline is eventually relaxed, the cost of the crisis will fall entirely on the working class, the most oppressed sections of society, and the environment. The bourgeoisie will do everything in its power to implement a policy of division in order to push through its anti-working class agenda. The return of Die Linke Die Linke did very well gaining 8.8% nationally. It became the largest party in Berlin. In 2021, Die Linke fell below the electoral threshold, and in 2023 Sarah Wagenknecht left to set up a social-conservative party – the BSW. This weakened Die Linke on the electoral plane, even though membership increased. (1) Last September, the BSW became the third party in three regional elections in East Germany, clearly overshadowing Die Linke. In this election though, the BSW has failed to reach the electoral threshold. This is the result of the BSW’s participation in two regional governments, the lack of members to run a decent campaign at national level, and the election of Trump, which has made her position on Ukraine less relevant (2). Potential voters may have preferred to vote directly for AfD, as there is agreement between it and the BSW on many points of programme. On 29 January, Merz used the votes of the AfD in the Bundestag to push through a motion aimed at tightening Germany’s immigration policy. BSW also supported the motion, which was narrowly rejected. This split in the cordon sanitaire against the far right has been a wake-up call and has led to numerous demonstrations of protest. Following this vote, Die Linke MP Heidi Reichinnek gave an impassioned speech. She immediately became a rising star on social networks. Reichinnek criticized Merz for deliberately collaborating with the AfD, just two days after the Auschwitz commemoration (3). This contributed to a sharp increase in the number of Die Linke members. By 18 February, Die Linke had 91,000 members, 31,000 more than a month earlier. (4) With 11.6%, the Greens are the coalition party that suffered the smallest loss. The fairly prosperous green electorate seems to care little about issues such as social security and price increases. (5) The green discourse on immigration contains traces of humanitarian concern, but this is not credible given its willingness to form a coalition with the CDU/CSU. Young voters strengthen the left The return of Die Linke was driven by young people, especially young women. Of voters between 18 and 24 years old, 34% of women voted for Die Linke, compared to 15% of men. Among women under 25, Die Linke is the most popular party, while among men in this age group it ranks third, after AfD and CDU/CSU. The Greens, a party that was previously very popular with young women, is now only in third place. The modest return of Die Linke is encouraging. Its left-wing socio-economic program is partly a break with the way the capitalist system is run today, which benefits only a handful of ultra-rich. Die Linke has good positions on the fight against oppression, especially racism and LGBTQIA+phobia, which are currently on the rise in Germany, as elsewhere, boosted by the behaviour, words, and actions of the mainstream media and pro-capitalist parties. However, Die Linke also has major shortcomings that explain its previous decline. Where Die Linke participated in governments, it adapted to the system. Die Linke is too often absent from movements of struggle, and is plagued by deep internal divisions. As a result, some of its positions are confused, weak, and even downright wrong. This is especially the case in regard to the ongoing genocide in Gaza and the liberation of Palestine, a theme that

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Plundering of Ukraine: Stunning change in US foreign policy

Imperialist conflict and war, Europe 25 February 2025

By Walter Chambers, 24 February 2025 So shocking was the speech delivered by US Vice President JD Vance at the Munich Security Conference that the Chair burst into tears during his closing speech. Barely a day has gone by since Trump’s inauguration in which a horrific new twist has not been added to the US’s relationship with other countries. Repeating his threat to take over the Panama canal, Trump doubled down on his attacks on Canada, and threatened to “buy” Greenland. Escalating his horrific threats, Gaza, he thundered, should be turned into a tourist centre, forcing millions of Palestinians to seek refuge in neighboring countries. Vance’s speech in Munich left European leaders complaining that the US was no longer “an ally” but “an adversary”. Behind-the-scenes discussions over the past year in NATO and the EU about the need to “Trump-proof” these institutions are now out in the open, as the EU leaders panic about how to deal with this new threat. This sharp change in course by the world’s main imperialist power will leave a feeling of deep treachery by millions: in Gaza the Palestinians who have suffered genocide by the Netanyahu regime, with the full backing of Western imperialism; and now too in Ukraine, where the brutal Russian imperialist occupation has left tens of thousands killed, millions of refugees and whole cities razed to the ground. Many commentators in the bourgeois media describe Trump’s approach as “transactional”, as if somehow this is just a business deal based on offering a product and negotiating a price. Given Trump’s ruthless business history, there is a grain of truth in this. But just a grain. Far more significant is the fact that Trump represents voracious US imperialism, that in recent decades has been significantly weakened both economically and geopolitically. A dangerous new competitor – China – has emerged. US imperialism’s desperate struggle to maintain its global hegemony is driving this new, volatile and dangerous foreign policy. It is turbo-charged by Trump’s bullying personality, needful of power and control, and empowered by provoking conflict and fear in others. The primitive analysis of those who, just a year ago, claimed “events have dramatically confirmed the power of Cold War bloc consolidation” has been thrown out of a high-storey window. Trump’s team has threatened and cajoled the US’s long-term allies to force them to succumb to the US’s new line. As the “Politico” news resource comments: “the EU has to choose between becoming a satrap of the U.S. or breaking free to steer its own course — and it must decide quickly.” At the same time Trump is cosying up to opponents including Belarusian president Lukashenko, and most dramatically Putin. Typical of Trump’s tactics is his threat to turn Gaza into the “Riviera of the Middle East”. Publicly supporting this plan to ethnic cleanse Gaza, US Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff in more guarded comments justified the threat claiming it contained nothing new, and forced others to come up with their own plans. Indeed, the anger within the ruling circles of the Arab regimes was tenable. In trying to avoid openly opposing Trump, they have to take into account the mood of “the street”, the Arab masses who will not forgive the betrayal of the Palestinians if the Arab regimes abandon their right to a homeland. Under Egypt’s guidance they are scraping together an investment fund to finance the rebuilding of Gaza. Whatever Trump’s intention, his threats have boosted Netanyahu and the warmongers in Israel. US drops pretence of opposing authoritarianism Now Trump’s attention has turned to Ukraine. Having bragged he would end the war in Ukraine “in one day” he is under some pressure to at least set the process in motion. But this is not his main motivation. US imperialism under his direction is prioritising its resources to challenge its main opponent – Chinese imperialism. Whilst the Biden administration followed a strategy of building alliances to combat China, Trump’s approach is based on the belief that the US can stand alone, as long as it reduces its commitments elsewhere. At the same time, Trump’s vulture-capitalist nature is eyeing up the business opportunities offered by re-opening the Russian market, and exploiting Ukraine’s natural resources. There is also an undeniable political affinity between Trump and Putin – they are both authoritarian, racist, misogynist, anti-women and LGBTQ+ wanting to return to the ‘family values’ and societal norms of the nineteenth, not the twenty first century. They are both part of the growing far-right, ultra conservative trend growing across the world. Ukraine though doesn’t fit easily into this alliance. The “Orange revolution” in 2004 and then “Euromaidan” in 2014 were both driven by the desire of Ukrainians to escape the authoritarian grip of the Kremlin, looking instead to western European society – which, however flawed, they saw as more prosperous, democratic and free. During the war, Ukrainian society has become less democratic, the importance of womens’ and LGBTQ+ rights has been diminished, but there is a large qualitative difference between Ukrainian society and authoritarian Russia. Trump’s affinity with other authoritarian leaders raises questions of how he will get on with Xi Jinping. On 13 February he announced: “One of the first meetings I want to have [is] with President Xi [of] China and with President Putin of Russia and I want to say, ‘let’s cut our military budget in half.” With Xi coming to Moscow’s 9 May WW2 Victory Celebrations, and rumours that Trump too will attend, some Chinese commentators are speculating that this will open the door to a new “Yalta” – with the aim of reshaping the geopolitical landscape and division of the world into three “spheres of interest”. This idea would have been unthinkable even weeks ago, but the past few weeks has demonstrated that anything has become thinkable. At the very least it cannot be excluded that Trump will attempt some ‘transactional’ dealings with Xi Jinping. Will the war end? The road to ending the war still has a long way to

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Malcolm X: Hard Lessons from his Life and Death

Workers' struggle and solidarity, Racism and fascism, Anniversaries, Socialist feminism 21 February 2025

By Drew Frayne, Socialist Party Ireland, 21 February 2025 Sixty years ago el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz, known to the world as Malcolm X, was murdered. His life is a map of 20th Century racism, and resistance to white supremacy, in the US and across the world. The personal and political life of el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz, known to the world as Malcolm X, is a map of 20th Century racism, and resistance to white supremacy, in the US. His powerful life holds many lessons for revolutionaries today – particularly “the white man” (which includes the author of this article). From his childhood experiences with white supremacist violence and state oppression and evictions, to his rejection of soft-left reformism of JFK, he understood that the existence of Black oppressed class in the U.S. was not an accident—it was a necessary foundation for the U.S. empire. Unlike liberals and even many on the left, he refused to argue for what was merely “possible” under the system; he fought for what was necessary. His evolving politics later in his life – embracing a more internationalist, multi-racial, anti-imperialist, and pro-women perspective – demonstrated a radical clarity that remains essential for revolutionaries today. Malcolm’s deep distrust of white liberals and the left was well-earned. Marxist organisations struggled to recruit Black members – Stalinist and Trotskyist alike – largely due to internal racism. Unions historically sidelined Black struggles, treating them as secondary to economic issues, and failing to confront racism within their own ranks. During his lifetime, major unions locked Black workers out of economic power, helping to create divisions within the working class. Today, Marxists tend to focus on correcting his ideas, speculating on whether he would have become a socialist, rather than grappling with why he never did. The consequences of the left’s failure to integrate race and class have only deepened in the 21st century. The subprime mortgage crisis disproportionately targeted Black communities, widening racial and economic inequality. The Great Recession fractured the working class further. The absence of an organised and militant left in the U.S. has allowed reactionaries like Trump to exploit resentment while billionaires like Elon Musk posture as anti-establishment figures. The left’s failure to prioritise Black struggles isn’t just a moral failure—it’s a strategic one. Without rebuilding trust and making antiracism central to working-class politics, the left will remain irrelevant, ceding ground to reactionary forces. The state’s repression of Black anti-capitalist movements, from the Black Panthers to MOVE (the Philadelphia based Black anarcho-primitivist group bombed from a helicopter by Philadelphia PD in 1985), should make it clear—antiracism combined with anticapitalism are the ruling class’s greatest fear. Yet there is hope. Young white people today, particularly young women, are more anti-racist than ever, and their understanding of intersectional oppression gives them a powerful foundation for solidarity. The Black Lives Matter movement showed that meaningful unity is possible, with young white activists taking real risks alongside Black organisers. Now, the global movement against the genocide in Gaza is radicalising another generation, exposing the hypocrisy of liberals and the deep ties between imperialism, white supremacy, and capitalism. We are not in a revolutionary moment like the 1960s—we are in a period of far right, racist and misogynist authoritarianism ascendancy. But that only makes the stakes clearer. Malcolm X’s greatest lesson was that the struggle for liberation demands organisation, clarity, and action. The power to smash racism and capitalism lies in our hands. We must seize it and organise. Malcolm’s Early life up until Prison Sentence Starting before he was even born, Malcolm X’s family was on the receiving end of white supremacist terror. His father, Earl Little, was a Garveyite, a believer in Black self-separatism, and African repatriation. The simple Garveyite creed, of advocating that Black people build an independent life for themselves, made him a target. The Ku Klux Klan harassed the family in Omaha, Nebraska, circling their home on horseback, smashing windows, and threatening violence. They were forced to flee to Lansing, Michigan, but safety never came – not even in one of the most Northerly states in the US. Their new, predominately white, neighbours objected to having a black family living nearby and after they took a court case against the Little Family, a county Judge ruled to evict them. The land was for whites only. Earl Little of course refused to move and the situation escalated. In 1929, their home was burned to the ground, likely by the Black Legion, a white supremacist group active in the area. Earl Little was accused by police of setting the fire himself, in another act of intimidation, although the charges were later dropped. Two years later, Earl Little was found dead, his body mutilated on train tracks. The police called it a suicide, and the insurance company refused to pay out. Left with nothing, Malcolm’s mother, Louise, struggled to keep the family together for several years, but the state stepped in—not to help, but to tear them apart. She was declared “unfit” and institutionalised, while Malcolm X and his siblings were scattered into foster care. The young Malcolm X excelled in school, often the only Black person in his class, but racist teachers imposed limits on his future. When he said he wanted to be a lawyer his teacher called him racist slurs and told him to be a carpenter. The message was clear: America had no place for Black ambition or intellect. Disillusioned, he dropped out of highschool, pushed toward the only paths society left open — cheap labour or crime. At 20, Malcolm X was arrested for burglary and sentenced to ten years at Charlestown State Prison, Boston, Massachusetts. The sentence was far harsher than the white women who were caught with him. He wasn’t just sentenced harshly, he was made an example. He was given a decade behind bars, not just for burglary but for daring to cross racial lines. The police pressured the white women he was arrested with to accuse him of rape, but they refused. It

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Greenland – independence and the imperialist scramble for Arctic dominance

News and analysis, National politics, Imperialist conflict and war, Europe 14 February 2025

By Paul Smith, 14 February 2025 Trump’s threats accelerate Greenland’s push for independence, amid growing dangers of imperialist exploitation and conflict, as the Arctic becomes a new battleground in the global struggle for power, natural resources and strategic dominance. In 2019, Donald Trump’s proposal to purchase Greenland, reducing the future of the country to a real estate deal, may have seemed like a joke, but his renewed interest at the start of his second presidency – threatening Denmark with tariffs and refusing to rule out military force (against a NATO country!) to seize the territory – has been a wake up call. What may have appeared the bluster of a madman or fool, now reveals a stark geopolitical reality: climate change is melting Arctic ice, opening up new shipping routes and exposing valuable mineral deposits. As a result, Greenland’s importance in a world shaped by competition for natural resources and intensifying geopolitical rivalry among global superpowers is growing. Trump’s pitch for Greenland also highlights the deep contradictions of the island’s political status as a semi-autonomous former colony , as well as the dangers and opportunities posed by independence. Greenland’s colonial history Greenland’s indigenous population, the Inuit, have inhabited the island since 2,500 BCE. In the first millennium CE, Norse seafarers reached Greenland and established settlements that lasted several centuries. Modern colonisation began in 1721 with the arrival of the Danish-Norwegian missionary Hans Egede, who established a permanent European presence on the island. In 1814, Greenland was officially incorporated into the Danish kingdom after the dissolution of the Denmark-Norway union. For much of its colonial history, Greenland functioned as an economic appendage of Denmark, supplying raw materials such as fish, seals, and whales while depending on Denmark for manufactured goods and governance. Under capitalist development, Greenland’s indigenous Inuit population was subjected to economic marginalization, forced cultural assimilation, and dependency on Danish policies. During World War 2, the US assumed de facto control over Greenland while Denmark was occupied by Nazi Germany. Although the country was returned to Denmark after World War 2, Greenland’s strategic location during the Cold War made it a valuable asset for US military operations, particularly in the context of nuclear deterrence against the Soviet Union. In 1946, the US offered to purchase Greenland for $100 million ($1 billion today), but Denmark refused. Nevertheless, the US maintained a military presence, most notably with the establishment of Thule Air Base in 1951. The US placed nuclear weapons on the island as well as radar stations. This was often done with disregard for the well-being and consent of Greenland’s indigenous population. Traditional Inuit settlements were forcibly relocated. In 1968, a US jet carrying nuclear bombs crashed near Thule Air Base causing radioactive contamination of the area. Today, Greenland continues to play a crucial security role for the US, being home to the ballistic missile early warning system and US space and satellite surveillance. In 1953 Greenland was incorporated into the Kingdom of Denmark, ending its official colonial designation, but changing little in terms of its colonial relationship with Denmark. In 1979 a degree of autonomy was granted to Greenland, and yet more autonomy was granted in 2009. Greenland now has its own parliament, but is financially dependent on Denmark, which provides annual financial subsidies accounting for nearly half of Greenland’s budget. In addition, Denmark also controls Greenland’s foreign and security policy. Untapped natural wealth In addition to its strategic security importance, Greenland has become a focal point for the world’s superpowers because of its abundant natural resources. Despite the existential threat posed by climate change, capitalist nations are increasingly viewing the melting Arctic as an economic opportunity. As global warming accelerates and Arctic ice continues to shrink, Greenland – home to vast, largely untapped resources due to its harsh climate and remote location – is becoming more accessible for mining, drilling, and new shipping routes. Key natural resources in Greenland that attract the interest of capitalist states and multinational corporations include: Rare earths Although rare earth minerals are abundant, their extraction is environmentally damaging, producing vast amounts of toxic waste. As a result, few countries have been willing to mine them until recently. This has allowed China to dominate the global rare earth market for decades, prioritizing profit over environmental concerns. Furthermore, China holds numerous patents on rare earth extraction and refining processes, making it more cost-effective for many countries to send their unprocessed ores to China for refinement rather than undertake the process themselves. Today, China accounts for more than 95 percent of global rare earth production. However, reliance on China for rare earth supplies has become increasingly problematic in an era of rising geopolitical tensions and an escalating trade war. Concerned that the US could be cut off from Chinese rare earth exports, Trump has sought alternative sources. This explains his recent interest in securing rights to exploit Ukraine’s rare earth resources, as well as his focus on Greenland, which is estimated to hold around 25% of the world’s deposits. Currently, mining rare earth minerals, uranium, and drilling for oil are banned in Greenland. However, the Greenlandic government is now considering opening up its natural resources to the US in an effort to achieve economic independence from Denmark. The Great Game in the Arctic But the US is not the only country showing interest in the Arctic. Russia, with 24,000 kilometres of Arctic coastline, is a major player in the region, while China, though not an Arctic nation, is eager to establish itself as an Arctic power. China has attempted to purchase ports, infrastructure, and mining rights in Greenland, though these efforts have so far been unsuccessful. In addition, China is the second-largest destination for Greenland’s exports (primarily fish) after the European Union. Furthermore, China and Russia have conducted joint military exercises in the region and are cooperating in shipping. As Arctic ice melts, new shipping routes are emerging, such as the Northwest and Northeast Passages, offering the potential for shorter trade routes between Asia and the

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Save Nursing in Wales – Lessons of a campaign

Student nurses demonstrate against closure of Cardiff University course

Workers' struggle and solidarity, National politics, PRMI, Europe 14 February 2025

PRMI reporters spoke to Cerys Keane, Organiser of the “Save nursing” campaign. 14 February 2025 When Britain’s National Health Service is facing a severe crisis, in part due to the lack of qualified staff, the decision by the management of Cardiff University to consider closing the Nurse training course, along with several other important programmes is just another example of the short-sighted, finance-driven approach of University management. To defend the Nursing programme the “Save nursing” campaign has stepped up. We ask Cerys, a PRMI supporter how this was achieved. PRMI: Cerys, can you explain how “Save nursing” developed? Cerys: “Save Nursing” is a group of around 300 student nurses in Wales, started at the end of 2023 by myself and a few others when I sent a survey around my class asking them questions regarding their financial hardship on the Welsh Bursary [grant] system. The results made for difficult reading. Once this was shared with my classmates there was a lot of anger, so I called a meeting for those who wanted to discuss further. We set up as around 20 students, leafletting the Royal College of Nursing (RCN – nurses’ union) congress to campaign for better bursaries. A year later, we now have just over 300 members, and are embarking on a much larger campaign to halt the proposed closure of our nursing school in Wales’ capital. This campaign is ongoing. It is supported by PRMI comrades, but for the most part it is functioning independently with a number of student nurses having come forward to take on more active organising roles. PRMI: As the campaign in progressing, what lessons can already be drawn? Cerys: The first is not to be afraid to make mistakes. Intervening can be very daunting, especially as an isolated comrade, but to not intervene ultimately leads to larger mistakes. At the time when this campaign was set up things were relatively slow paced – we were lucky to get 20 people to a meeting, and even luckier if half of them meaningfully interacted with it. However, during this time we were able to slowly build and develop a core of 6 organisers who were committed to the campaign. Thus, when the school closure was announced, we had structures and could immediately act to call a protest. Our membership doubled overnight, as well as the number of people coming forward wanting to take on larger roles, if we didn’t already have structures in place, this would have been impossible to coordinate. We are now lucky enough to be in a position where it’s necessary to elect a formal leadership. PRMI: Would the current campaign against the closure of the course been possible without this preparation? Cerys: Another key lesson is the importance of orientation. It simply isn’t enough to be able to intervene as and when crises arise, but we have to be already building and agitating in these areas, so we are actually prepared to intervene when eruptions occur. Healthcare is a key sector in the functioning of society, and also includes a hugely diverse, mostly female workforce. Already having an orientation towards young women, has aided us massively in this process. PRMI: You are also known as a ROSA activists. Has this helped? Cerys: Yes. It is far easier to intervene as ROSA in groups like this than as PRMI. The points most strongly responded to in our leaflet were those on socialist feminism, and a number of people have approached me for discussions on women’s oppression as socialist feminism, as opposed to socialism or feminism, is a relatively new and exciting idea for them. The healthcare sector will be key in the coming period, with healthcare staff globally increasingly taking industrial action over poor conditions and pay. Nurses are at the heart of this struggle, as the largest section of the workforce. They are a uniquely difficult group to organise, due to shift work and the extreme stress and burnout associated with the work, but also the group who tend to most readily garner public support when they do move into action. They are also, exceptionally efficient organisers and work at the coal face of class, gender and racial oppression. The unions have been particularly slow to act, and our campaign has already come to blows with the union bureaucracy in the process of the campaign. Witnessing student nurses’ consciousness shift in real-time has been an incredible experience, and also proof that some of the most radicalising processes, come from lived experience of both oppression and struggle.

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BIMM Dublin: A cultural and educational crisis driven by capitalist greed

Art and literature, Workers' struggle and solidarity, News and analysis, Europe 14 February 2025

By Kate Quinlan, BIMM graduate, class of 2024, 14 February 2025 The proposed mass redundancies at BIMM Dublin, one of Ireland’s most prestigious music colleges, represent not just an attack on workers’ rights but the potential for a grave cultural loss. Lecturers at the institution, many of whom are accomplished musicians who have contributed to shaping Ireland’s music industry, now find their livelihoods under threat. With outrageous plans to cut approximately one-third of the workforce with lecturers being told they have to all reapply for their jobs, this decision risks irreparable damage to Ireland’s artistic heritage in the name of profit. BIMM is home to some of the brightest talents in Irish music. Its graduates include acclaimed bands like Fontaines D.C., and singer-songwriter Erica Cody. These successes, however, did not emerge in isolation. They were nurtured by the dedication and expertise of BIMM’s lecturers—working artists who have performed with iconic Irish groups such as The Frames, The Stunning, Villagers, and The Coronas. These are not merely educators; they are mentors with unparalleled experience, offering students a bridge between academic theory and the realities of the music industry. “Uber-isation” Despite this, BIMM’s management, now under private equity ownership, has reduced its teaching staff to disposable commodities. By forcing lecturers to reapply for their positions amidst a chaotic “consultation” process, management is imposing a new employment structure that could cut pay nearly in half. As Robert McNamara of the Irish Federation of University Teachers (IFUT) aptly described it, this represents the “Uber-isation” of lecturers—stripping educators of stability, dignity, and fair pay in favour of exploitative precarity. Management claims this restructuring will create a “stable environment” for students and staff. But how can such claims hold weight when the very mentors who inspire and guide students face uncertainty and demoralisation? As McNamara put it when speaking to the Irish Independent, “The lecturers’ working environment is the students’ learning environment.” Undermining staff not only affects their livelihoods but directly diminishes the quality of education and mentorship available to students. Art and education, not profit At its core, these cuts are a symptom of the negatives of privatised education. BIMM, originally founded as an institution for modern music education, has been reduced to a profit-driven entity since its acquisition by Intermediate Capital Group in 2020. This private equity firm—like others of its kind—exists to extract wealth, not to foster cultural or educational value. For them, the lecturers and their students are merely numbers on a balance sheet. The arts cannot and should not be quantified in this way. Ireland’s music industry is a cornerstone of its cultural identity and international reputation. The decision to gut BIMM’s teaching staff in such a cavalier manner sends a chilling message: the arts and the people who sustain them are expendable in the pursuit of cost-cutting measures. These lecturers, with their wealth of industry knowledge, have not only guided students toward success but have also contributed to the vibrancy of Ireland’s cultural scene. Their insights are indispensable, offering students lessons that textbooks cannot. If these cuts proceed, the consequences will ripple beyond BIMM’s walls. Ireland risks losing an essential incubator for musical talent, depriving future generations of the opportunity to learn from the very individuals who have shaped the industry they aspire to enter. What’s more, the exclusion of the IFUT from this process is a blatant disregard for workers’ rights. The refusal to engage with union representatives speaks to a disdain for the collective voice of workers. All workers and students must support the IFUT lecturers. Every single job must be maintained without attacks on wages or conditions. BIMM should be brought back into the public system if the union-busting management cannot guarantee this. This is not just a fight for fair wages or secure contracts—it is a fight for Ireland’s cultural future. BIMM’s lecturers are more than employees. They are custodians of an industry that has given Ireland a global platform, a source of pride, and an enduring legacy. Their knowledge, artistry, and mentorship are invaluable, and their contributions cannot simply be replaced by a “restructured” model designed to cut costs. This must be a call to the wider public to recognize that when private interests strip resources from the arts, society as a whole pays the price. The Irish government, too, must intervene and uphold its responsibility to safeguard workers and cultural institutions. This situation is a stark reminder of the dangers posed by the corporatisation of education. It is not too late for BIMM’s management to reverse course and engage meaningfully with its staff, their union, and the wider community. Ireland’s music industry and cultural heritage depend on it. To lose these lecturers is to lose part of what makes Ireland’s arts scene so unique, so vibrant, and so profoundly impactful on the world stage. We cannot allow that to happen.

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Masses defy arrests, bullets and teargas in Mozambique

Youthful protests demonstrate in Mozambique

Africa, News and analysis, National politics 12 February 2025

By PRMI reporters, 12 February 2025 The greatest mass uprising in Mozambique’s recent history took place from late 2024 to early 2025, in defiance of Frelimo’s treachery and the prospect of the party staying in power for yet another term. 8 people died in protest on the morning of Daniel Chapo’s inauguration as president on 15 January 2025. It is clear that the people of Mozambique would not get justice from either their local courts or from the regional body South African Development Council (SADC). Observer missions from different countries agreed that there were severe irregularities during the campaigning and voting period, so it is not possible to know the true outcomes of the elections. When the initial results were announced and two opposition party officials were assassinated, revolt broke out across the country. This made it clear that ordinary Mozambicans felt that they had been cheated and sentenced to suffer under an illegitimate regime. The assassination of Elvino Dias and Paulo Guambe shortly after the elections was the final straw before mass demonstrations began, but what were the underlying factors that led to this outburst of anger in Mozambique? Corruption, Inequality, War, and Natural Disasters At least 60% of Mozambique’s population live in poverty, as the economy remains stagnant under the rule of a political party known for its extensive use of death squads to silence voices of opposition. Mozambique has a long shoreline with economically viable ports that support trade in the region, allowing landlocked countries such as Zimbabwe and eSwatini to export and import various goods. Additionally, the country has vast swathes of natural resources including precious minerals and oil and gas deposits. Sadly, the proceeds from these industries only find their way to the ruling elite and their cronies. Meanwhile, the majority of the population is forced to live from hand to mouth, or to seek opportunities for migrating to neighbouring countries in search of greener pastures. The ruling elite in Mozambique has used every trick in the book to stay in power. Furthermore, they have been caught with their pants down when it comes to corruption, including a US$25 billion deal which benefited the president and his family around 2013/14. Through corrupt deals, the leaders of Frelimo have been able to enrich themselves at the expense of the population. A population which has never been able to fully recover from the ravages of colonialism and civil war. Between 1977 and 1992 a disastrous civil war took place between Frelimo and Renamo which devastated the country’s productive forces and population just 2 years after gaining independence from centuries of Portugal’s colonial rule. While the USA and South Africa supported Renamo as they viewed that group as acting in support of their interests, the Soviet Union supported Frelimo – Mozambicans suffered great losses. During those 15 years more than 6 million people were displaced and a further million lives were lost. In 2013 Renamo tore up the peace agreement signed in 1992 leading to months of renewed armed conflict which lasted until 2014. When the former president Filipe Nyusi came to power in 2015 the country was again at peace. However, from around 2017 a new wave of armed conflict broke out in the eastern regions of the country as young people from the Cabo Delgado province took up arms following an extremist religious ideology. Although poverty does not provide a direct, mechanical link to extremism, the absence of political alternatives and opportunities for meaningful economic activity, the path towards extremism can seem like the only hope when one is desperate. Especially when considering that there are profitable gas plants in that region. As a result of capitalist logic and corruption, those areas are home to high levels of unemployment and poverty. This means that while Mozambique’s GDP grew by 6% over a 15-year period, most of that growth was concentrated in the hands of those who were already wealthy. Inevitably, discontent grew among the poor and marginalised, making it easier for extremists to recruit from angry young people and to convince them to commit terrible acts of violence against people that are as poor as they are. The Mozambican government under Nyusi relied on using military action to address the rise of Al-Shabaab in Cabo Delgado, inviting troops from other countries when his own troops proved ineffectual. In July 2021, SADC intervened in the Cabo Delgado region of Mozambique by sending more than 2200 troops to fight in the area. Although the SADC troops were initially able to make some gains, paving the way for some internally displaced people to return home, these gains were later reversed as attacks resumed from the second part of 2023. In response he looked for more military assistance, particularly from Rwanda. Unfortunately, as a result of private ownership of the country’s resources, all the profits continue to go to a handful of people. In addition to the inequality and threats from armed conflict, people in Mozambique live in constant fear of catastrophic natural disasters, especially violent cyclones that frequently build up in the Indian Ocean and often reach the country’s eastern shores. Even as anti-FRELIMO demonstrations were taking place in December 2024, an estimated 120 people lost their lives as a result of cyclone Chido, with a further 380,000 people being directly affected or displaced. Shortly afterwards, cyclone Dikeledi caused additional damage in January and devastated more than 15 000 households. As the effects of climate change worsen, people living in Mozambique are set to face catastrophic conditions, ranging from droughts to extreme rainfall. This underscores why the country’s young people are horrified at the prospect of facing the future under a capitalist regime that has no solutions to provide measures to protect the interests of the masses. October 2024 Uprising It was, therefore, hardly surprising that protests broke out on 16 October when news broke that Frelimo had won a majority in the presidential elections. Furthermore, it was not surprising that by 19 October there were reports of

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Trump’s abhorrent plan to expel Palestinians from Gaza

News and analysis, National politics, Imperialist conflict and war, Middle East 6 February 2025

By Socialist Party Ireland reporters, 6 February 2025 The Gaza genocide is continuing. Trump has announced an outrageous plan for the wholesale ethnic cleansing of its two million Palestinians, even hinting that US troops may be used to enforce this. As if talking about one of his corrupt land deals, he announced the US would now own this small Strip of land and turn it into the “Riviera” of the Middle East. His comments have provoked outrage and shock among ordinary people globally. This statement was made with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu by his side, with a stomach-turning look of satisfaction on his face. Despite the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) charges of war crimes against him, Netanyahu was given the prestigious prize of being the foreign leader to be invited to Washington under the Trump presidency. This was a clear signal to the Israeli Government that it could continue to act with impunity in its murderous rampage against the people of Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, etc. It comes after Trump appointed Elise Stefanic as the US ambassador to the United Nations. Stefanic has argued that Israel has a biblical right to the lands of the West Bank. Moreover, the new US ambassador to Israel, Mike Huckabee, has stated that “there really is no such thing as a Palestinian.” All of this is an attempt to further normalise and legitimise the genocidal terror the Israeli State has unleashed on Gaza and the Occupied West Bank since October 2023. It means Netanyahu will feel little compulsion to stick to the ceasefire deal. It further demonstrates why the Palestine solidarity movement must remain an active and mobilised force globally, including significant escalations of industrial action by workers, particularly against the export of weapons to Israel. Normalising genocide It is shameful that in light of this, the Irish Government remains committed to ditching the Occupied Territories Bill, which would ban the import of goods and services from the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights – prostrating itself in front of Trump and US multinationals who are deemed more essential than the rights and lives of Palestinians. It goes without saying that they plan to rock up to Washington DC on St. Patrick’s Day to present the bowl of Shamrock to this fascistic President Trump, as they did last year with Genocide Joe. Again, we need mass pressure to demand the OTB is implemented and that there is no green-washing of Trump in March. Trump’s comments illustrate that his administration is abandoning even verbal support a ‘two-state solution,’ much to the delight of Netanyahu’s government. They want to smash the national aspirations of Palestinians in their entirety, not even allowing them a state on a small slice of their historic homeland. For decades now, support for a two-state settlement has been the stated position of imperialist and capitalist states internationally, while previous administrations under Biden, Obama and Bush have given nominal, vacuous nods to it. This section of the US ruling class will be annoyed that Trump has abandoned giving lip service to Palestinian rights, as it will further undermine its standing in the Middle East and the Global South, given that it has already been undermined massively for its support for the genocide. Of course, Western imperialist support for a Palestinian State has been daily contradicted by facts on the ground. These same administrations and many European States have backed the continued occupation, the expansion of settlements and the genocide of Gaza, which have rendered any meaningful form of statehood for Palestinians null and void. At most, Palestinians could expect a truncated, non-contiguous entity modelled on the Bantustans of Apartheid South Africa, where dictatorial puppet regimes administered small pockets of lands at the behest of its white ruling class. The Zionist rulers and their imperialist backers would never entertain the existence of a state based on the June 1967 borders (encompassing the West Bank and Gaza) with East Jerusalem as its capital. This is not to mention the right of return for Palestinian refugees and the rights of Palestinians within the Green Line. Therefore, as utterly despicable as Trump’s announcement is, it’s sickening to see Democrats in the US and representatives of other imperialist powers, such as Britain and Germany, proclaiming their shock and horror. These world leaders have directly armed and politically backed the indiscriminate mass murder, starvation and psychological torture of the entire population of Gaza. Totally unworkable Whether or not Trump will seriously act on his rhetoric of whether or not it constitutes just hot air remains to be seen. Notably, in the context of further pushing for normalisation agreements, where the Arab States recognise the Israeli State and have diplomatic and economic ties with it, pushing for the expulsion of Gaza’s population will be difficult. These states and their ruling classes – corrupt and despotic billionaires whose lives are far removed from the poor and oppressed masses of this region – are no friends of the Palestinian people. However, they are conscious of how the genocide has radicalised the working class, poor and young people in their respective societies, consequently, “normalising” the existence of the Israeli State will not be accepted. Indeed, Trump’s comments will make it much more difficult for Saudi Arabia to do so, given that they have made the creation of a Palestinian State contingent on any such agreement, something the new President has stated his unambiguous opposition to. Likewise, the Egyptian and Jordanian regimes will be unwilling to facilitate Trump’s ethnic cleansing by accepting refugees from Gaza despite the pressure he will put them under. There is already a large population of Palestinian refugees in the latter and being seen to be complicit in the further destruction of Palestine will be met with mass anger and potentially revolutionary upheavals. Furthermore, the deployment of US troops to enforce this plan will be met with opposition at home; Trump has cynically and disingenuously built his base on being an ‘anti-war’ President. Crucially, any such move will be met

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Towards a history of revolutionary Marxism

Theory, History 6 February 2025

Part 1: Origins of the Left Opposition In coming weeks, PRMI will be publishing a series of articles on the history of the revolutionary movement following the victory of the Russian Revolution, covering the formation of the Fourth International and its post WW2 degeneration, leading up to our recent history. By Walter Chambers, 6 February 2025 From the point of view of the international working class, the Russian revolution which began with the overthrow of Tsarism in February 1917, leading in October 1917 to the socialist revolution when the working class led by the Bolsheviks came to power, was one of the greatest events in history. In the new Soviet state, the Bolsheviks had introduced a whole range of radical socialist measures. After withdrawing from World War 1, Russia refused to recognise secret agreements previously agreed between the imperialist powers, granted land to the peasantry, introduced workers’ control, the right to vote for all citizens men, women and youth, equal rights for women, decriminalised same sex relations, granted the right of self-determination to those nations that wanted it as well as radically transforming the education and health systems in favour of working people and the poor. They established the Communist International, with the aim of building a world revolutionary party capable of spreading the socialist revolution. International capital however was determined to strangle the revolution. Tsarist and other reactionary forces set up armies to oppose the revolution, they were soon joined by the armies of twenty other countries including large contingents of British, Japanese, Czech, German, Turkish, French and US troops, whilst elsewhere other revolutionary movements were brutally suppressed – with, for example the assassination of the heroic anti-war German revolutionaries Luxemburg and Liebknecht. The imperialist intervention which led to a brutal civil war almost destroyed the new Soviet republic. Isolation of the revolution Lenin who, with Trotsky, led the Russian Revolution, died in January 1924. In his last year he suffered one stroke after another, most likely caused by the failed assassination attempt by the social-revolutionary Fanny Kaplan in 1918. It is, though, no coincidence that his last major speech in November 1922 was to the 4th Congress of the Communist International discussing the prospects for world revolution. This was followed by a series of letters expressing his concern at the growing influence of Stalin. He formed a block with Trotsky to defend the monopoly of foreign trade, and requested the Soviet Congress to find a way of removing Stalin from the post of General Secretary. Lenin understood very well, and indeed the principle was enshrined in the DNA of the Bolshevik party, that if the new Soviet State in Russia was to survive and develop in a genuinely socialist direction, the extension of the revolution across Europe and the world was necessary. Lenin’s insistence that the new USSR should be a union of independent socialist states was with the aim of accepting a future socialist Germany as an equal partner. The four year long civil war waged by reactionary and imperialist armies which sought to overturn the revolution took the lives of many of the best class fighters, left much of the country in ruins, and the Russian economy in tatters. The new Soviet state desperately needed the spread of the revolution to the more developed countries. This was not a false hope – the German revolution saw the Kaiser overthrown before it was betrayed by the Social-democrats, in Hungary a revolutionary government came to power but quickly collapsed, whilst major revolutionary waves spread across Turkey, Italy, Mexico, India, Egypt, Ireland and elsewhere. What was lacking in these countries were revolutionary parties such as the Bolsheviks, and as a consequence, Soviet Russia was left isolated, laying the basis for the future degeneration of the revolution, a process that did not take place in one leap, but over time in line with a series of international and national developments, resisted all the way by the supporters of what became the International Left Opposition, and then Fourth International, led by Trotsky. Destruction caused by the civil war The Civil War was not just hugely destructive, it had demanded political measures that would not normally be expected in a democratic socialist society. The economy was over-centralised, rather than the peasantry being allowed to develop their newly gained land, they found their grain requisitioned by the state, and the very nature of war demanded strict military discipline. Even in this situation though, debates over policies raged within the Bolshevik party. Only in 1921, was it thought necessary to introduce a temporary ban on factions – a ban, which Lenin stressed in his resolution was intended at a time of severe crisis to maintain party unity when it was under attack on many fronts. In no way, he stressed, was any genuine criticism or argument to be restricted, but rather than used for factional purposes, should be discussed by the whole party. Lenin was also recognising another process undermining the new Soviet state. It had, in many ways, inherited the state apparatus from the old Tsarist system. Only the most widespread democratic control, primarily by the working class, could break this down, but this was increasingly impossible because the most conscious class fighters had been taken into the army, or their time was devoured by multitudinous administrative tasks needed to run society. For this reason, in one of his last contributions Lenin proposed to strengthen the political role of the Central Committee and sharpen the effectiveness of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate intended to combat bureaucracy. By 1920 a debate had opened within the new state on how best to develop the economy. Trotsky, who was not only leader of the Red Army, but had also been involved in directing economic work and the railways in the Urals had seen the problems caused by over-centralisation. He proposed in February 1920 to replace grain requisitioning by a progressive tax on the peasantry. Lenin initially rejected this idea. But with the delay of the

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Review: The Substance directed by Coralie Fargeat

Art and literature, Reviews 5 February 2025

By Steph Lacey (Socialist Party Ireland) 5 February 2025 The Substance is a satirical, body-horror film that centres around the character of Elisabeth Sparkle, a fading Hollywood star who goes to extreme lengths to try to reclaim her youthful looks and career, by taking a new, secret wonder drug called ‘the substance.’ The film aims to put a spotlight on the objectification and ridiculous beauty standards faced by women in Hollywood. The casting of Demi Moore in the lead role works so well because she is an incredibly beautiful woman who is only guilty of aging. It’s less about losing your ‘looks’ but losing your youth, which are so entwined, especially for women, in this patriarchal culture of capitalist society. French director Carolie Fargeat has cited David Lynch, John Carpenter and David Cronenberg as her influences, which is very obvious from this movie with nods to The Elephant Man, The Thing, The Fly, Videodrome and Existenz throughout. There are also references to Stanley Kubrick’s The Shining and Brian de Palma’s Carrie, as well as ‘The Nightmare and Dawn’ theme from Bernard Herrmann’s score for Alfred Hitchcock’s Vertigo. All of which makes it a very fun film for movie-buffs, but with an original, female-driven perspective. The film can also be compared to All About Eve – in which Bette Davis plays an aging Broadway star who is being ‘replaced’ by a younger actress. Twelve years after All About Eve, Bette Davis would take out an advertisement in the Hollywood Reporter and other trade papers looking for work. It read: “Mother of three – 10, 11 and 15. Divorcee. American. Thirty years’ experience as an actress in motion pictures. Mobile still and more affable than rumour would have it. Wants steady employment in Hollywood. (Has had Broadway.) References on request.” While the subject of the movie dates back to the early days of Hollywood, it is still very topical. In 2000, for example, the best actress Oscar winners were Angelina Jolie, 24 at the time, and Hilary Swank, 25. The best actor Oscar winners were Kevin Spacey, 40, and Michael Caine, 67. In 2013, Jennifer Lawrence, 22, and Anne Hathaway, 30, were the best actress Oscar winners, and Daniel Day-Lewis, 55, and Christoph Waltz, 56, took home the best actor Oscars. Last year, Cillian Murphy, 48, and Robert Downey Jr, 49, took home the best actor Oscars, while the best actress Oscars went to Emma Stone, 36, and Da’Vine Joy Randolph 38. While there are exceptions, with Michelle Yeoh and Jamie Lee Curtis winning the Oscars in 2023, both older than the actor winners, it is still rare to see older female actors consistently getting great roles, unlike their male counterparts. The film is a reflection of Hollywood and society’s obsession and fetishisation of female youth, and the lengths people will go to to reclaim it. Both Demi Moore and Margaret Qualley give powerhouse performances. Moore’s resentment of her younger, ‘prettier’ self, and Qualley’s hatred and anger at her older self makes for an uncomfortable and uneasy watch as it can be very relatable for a lot of people. While the film does go to the extreme of body horror and grotesque imagery, every shot and scene feels very intentional and not just done for shock value. Carolie Fargeat is a staunch advocate for practical effects and sought to minimize the use of VFX throughout the film, which, although over the top, gives it a very real quality. It is a film that starts, (or continues), a very important conversation about the impossible beauty standards forced on women, and the demonisation women face when they decide to either ‘grow old naturally’ or seek out ways to cover up aging. We, as a society, need to dismantle what is typically seen as beautiful, and really examine who sets these beauty standards and why, when they are very much steeped in ageism and racism.

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Review: Conclave directed by Edward Berger

Reviews 5 February 2025

By Michael O’Brien (Socialist Party Ireland) 5 May 2025 Already the recipient of multiple nominations for various movie and TV award ceremonies, Conclave dramatises a fictional papal election and paints an entertaining picture of the Catholic Church as a highly factionalised institution. Based on a 2016 novel written by British author Robert Harris, the story unfolds from the vantage point of Cardinal Lawrence, played by Ralph Fiennes, who is responsible for the task of conducting the Papal conclave (election) after the death of a ‘liberal’ pope. The method of election involves the cardinals who make up the electorate voting in successive rounds until one candidate achieves at least two-thirds of the vote. There is no open, organised discussion and debate in this electoral process. Instead, the time between each round of voting is filled with informal lobbying and backbiting. The candidates that emerge in the contest cover a spectrum within the narrow limits of the Catholic Church – a fundamentally conservative patriarchal institution. It includes traditional conservatives Cardinal Tedesco from Italy and Nigerian Cardinal Adeyemi; ‘liberals’ American Cardinal Bellini and Canadian Trembley, the unwilling ‘liberal’ candidate and principal character Cardinal Lawrence; and finally (and most improbably) Afghan-based Mexican Cardinal Benitez. Cardinal Benitez resembles most closely what would have been recognised between the 1960s and the 1980s as the liberation theology wing of the Church. Liberation theology was a minority trend in the Catholic Church, heavily centred but not exclusively in Latin America, that sought, within the parameters of Catholic doctrine, to foreground the concerns of the oppressed and spoke to the language of social justice. Among a cohort of priests and nuns, it represented a relatively progressive reaction to their witnessing of the material conditions of working class and poor. The most committed to this trend of Catholicism ultimately were on a collision course with reactionary regimes in Latin America, sometimes resulting in high-profile assassinations such as that of Archbishop Oscar Romero, who was shot dead in El Salvador in 1980. The ultra-reactionary cold warrior Pope John Paul II prioritised the suppression of liberation theology, the most high-profile episode of which came when he visited Nicaragua during the civil war to support the pro-Contra conservative wing of the church. There, he publicly castigated priests who supported the then radical leftist Sandinista regime. The crushing of the liberation theology wing reinforced a monolithic conservative church thas rightly seen as being remote from the lives of the poor and oppressed in the Global South. This unintentionally created a space for evangelical protestant rivals who in the decades since, have made massive inroads in Latin America and Africa at the Catholic Church’s expense. One of the outdated aspects of the portrayal of the various candidates is the ascribing of ‘liberal’ values to the American cardinal when in reality, the hierarchy in the US is currently the most conservative, typically pro-Trump and most open in opposition to the current pope for his perceived ‘liberalism’. As the papal election unfolds, various candidates take the lead and are then effectively eliminated as skeletons emerge from secret children to plain corruption. Terrorist incidents occurring while the election is ongoing feed into the conservative vs. ‘liberal’ debate and the only open debate among the cardinals in the whole process. This debate decides the ultimate winner of the contest. From a purely dramatic perspective, the finale is gripping, and the final twist is highly imaginative and entertaining but impossible to conceive as occurring in the church. While the author of the novel upon which this film is based claims that he ran a draft of the text by the now deceased British Cardinal Cormac Murphy O’Connor and was told by the cardinal that the backstabbing among his peers described was accurate, the movie itself has attracted the accusation from some Church quarters, especially in the US that it is anti-Church. If anything, the opposite can be said. The film overstates the ‘diversity’ of the hierarchy in a way, alongside the ending, that conveys a message to progressive Catholics that they have a stake in hanging in there.

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