France is in turmoil. The expected fall of Bayrou on 8 September did not dampen the mood for the “Let’s block everything” mobilization two days later, as the issues run much deeper. Instead people gathered that Monday night in front of city halls to celebrate and mobilize for the actions of Wednesday, which in turn are seen as a rehearsal for the day of strike action on 18 September.
The vast majority of people living in France reject the austerity budget, especially Bayrou’s announcement to scrap two days of holidays to reduce public debt. This further fueled the anger and frustration which runs deep after decades of politics for the rich that have caused inequalities to go through the roof. The potential for a wider movement exists and the development of the “Let’s block everything” movement so far contains some promising and positive elements.
At the same time, there is the danger that the far-right will benefit from the situation. Macron simply kicked the can down the road in a desperate manner, none of the underlying issues will be resolved.
Let’s block everything: hard facts of the day
The mobilization on 10 September against the government of austerity, Macron and the world he represents was an initial positive show of force. Between 250.000 (CGT figures) and 400.000-500.000 (figures by the left-wing online collective cerveau non disponible) people participated across France Hexagone and in the still colonized territories. Hundreds of blockades and barricades of highways, ring roads, universities and high schools were mounted. 80.000 young people mobilized, 1000 strike calls were launched and the mood was festive and militant, underlining the spark of hope this initiative represents for layers of working class and oppressed people throughout the country.
While the intersyndicale of France’s eight biggest trade unions only called for strike actions on 18 September, the more militant trade union federations CGT and Sud Solidaires, following calls for strike action from their sectoral union branches, had come out in support of the mobilization and in favor of strikes on 10 September. According to the CGT, the strike was widely supported in many sectors including childcare, education, hospitals, public finance, the safety and security sector, public transport, chemical-, metalworking and agri-food industries, in refineries and among cultural workers.
The government chose a strategy of relentless repression, reflecting partly Macron’s weakness and their fear of a powerful social movement developing, but also the understanding from the authorities that a “strong law and order” would be appreciated by people disagreeing with the mobilisation or some aspects of it. In the run-up, they tried to paint the movement as a small number of violent troublemakers on the margin of society, which was strongly aided by the rightwing media. Despite the extremely negative portrayal in the media, 50% of the population support the mobilization.
The announcement of minister of the interior Bruno Retailleau of the deployment of 80,000 gendarmes and police officers to enforce order heralded the violent repression of the protests. On the day itself, state forces were present from the dawn of the day to break up blockades, 540 people were arrested. In several places they charged with extreme violence into crowds of protestors, attacked journalists and high schoolers. In Paris, police fired tear gas in front of a nursery school and caused a Korean restaurant to catch on fire.
However, neither the police violence nor the extremely negative and rightwing media coverage before and after the mobilization could break the will to continue. One banner read: “votre répression est notre détermination” which translates to “your repression is our determination”.
Building for a general strike remains the goal and the momentum of this first mobilization should be carried on to build for the strongest day of national strike action on 18 September possible. Within that, it is crucial to address—as seen in many places on the 10th—the need for recognition and full rights for millions of oppressed people today in France, usually left aside or even discriminated against by the vast majority of left-wing organisations and activists, inside and outside more common struggles from the left.
There is potential for a powerful and serious movement
Although the goal to really block everything in order to hit the ruling class was not achieved—blockades often did not last long enough and too few strikes took place—the potential for a powerful movement is clearly there.
Several positive aspects are important to note in this regard:
The online call for “let’s block everything”, which emerged in July by a far-right conspiracy group “Les essentiels” (the essentials), was quickly taken over by the left and radical-left.
A survey conducted among 1089 Let’s block everything activists showed that almost 70% voted for Mélenchon and La France Insoumise (LFI) and 10% voted for the Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste, the far-left new anticapitalist party.
During the summer, over 10.000 people took part in general assemblies in more than 150 municipalities to prepare for the 10 September actions, encouraging blockades, strikes, and demonstrations. At these assemblies, many leftwing people and unionists were present, helping to establish politics that are clearly antifascist and opposed to all forms of oppression, which was also reflected in online communications. One participant was quoted in an article: “If we see a reactionary person at a general assembly, we talk to them; if they’re a far-right activist, we kick them out”.
Next to social justice, democracy, and ecology, a lot of activists inside the movement also integrate calls for the liberation of Palestine, the fight against sexism, LGBTphobia and racism. The comprehension of the necessity of an intersectional approach towards struggle amongst large layers of especially young people helped to impose these issues to an important part of the movement so far. This is surely also due to the many mobilizations against oppression of the last years and the tireless work of left-wing and anti-capitalist activist groups organizing against oppression. Not surprisingly, calls for a feminist general strike have circulated in recent weeks.
Lessons of the “yellow vests”
Some have pointed out parallels with the yellow vest movement. These clearly exist and 27% of those involved now had also been active back then, but it seems as if the parallels are mostly with regard to positive aspects, such as the spontaneous grassroots mobilization and self-organization from below and the movement’s notable strength in small and medium-sized towns. Former weaknesses on the other hand, have been overcome or improved:
Next to the early and clear stance against the far-right and any form of oppression already mentioned, it is also important to note that this time, LFI and the parties that see themselves as part of the left—Communist party, Socialist Party, Green party—and some trade unions (CGT and Sud Solidaires) have declared their support relatively quickly. Melenchon and the LFI have supported the movement’s call for a general strike and urged the unions to build for it.
The answer to this has been largely hesitant, with the exceptions of CGT and especially Sud Solidaires who supported the call for strikes and blockades most strongly. However, there are nevertheless positive signs that indicate that if the movement continues and an active attempt in the direction is made, there is a chance that strikes and workplace actions can play a stronger role going forward:
For example, CGT-health coordinators noticed that although they have not yet reached those distant from union life, among those present in union meetings, the support for the mobilizations and strike action was 90-95%, something that was not present during the yellow vest movement.
Also some cross-union federation actions took place in some sectors and union members positively noted the development of general assemblies and union offices. In several places, those did not only take place before the actions on 10 September, but also at the end of the day to decide on the next steps for the movement.
Strategy to build the movement is needed
The success of the first day of mobilizations, strikes and blockades, the strike actions that have already been going on in several sectors independently of the “Let’s block everything” movement—including in mining, air-traffic control, hospitals, pharmacies—as well as the planned day of national strike action on 18 September mean that there is a favorable situation for a stronger movement to develop.
The fact that several political groups have drawn important conclusions from the movements of the last years—including the important point that individual days of action or strike won’t be enough, but that a general renewable strike is needed to enforce the necessary changes—and are communicating those in their publications is extremely positive and underlines the potential that exists.
Building a social movement strong enough to enforce new elections and Macron to resign is crucial. Anything less would only mean more of the same misery that the far right has been able to cynically use to their advantage in the last period, of course helped by Macronism, parts of the ruling class and far right billionaires, particularly Bollore, buying up media and news channels.
Macron’s manoeuvres
Macron, his government and their politics are deeply unpopular. A survey from September showed that only 15% have confidence in Macron.
This is reflected in the clear result of the no confidence vote, about two-thirds of the deputies voted against Bayrou who had replaced Michel Barnier, who himself also resigned after losing a no-confidence vote in December last year.
Macron appointed Sébastien Lecornu, his most RN-compatible loyalist, as fifth PM in under two years, hoping to rescue his second term. The last two were brought down trying to pass a massive austerity budget to reduce France’s deficit spending, which is the largest in the Euro area. After reaching 5.8% of GDP in 2024 it is expected to be 5.4% this year, while GDP growth remains very low at 0.6-0.8%.
Lecornu, former minister of defense and strong supporter of Macron’s rearmament policy, represents the right wing of the Macronists. Le Monde called him the “far-right’s favorite Macronist”. He met with Le Pen and Bardella for a secret dinner last year and in December after Barnier was voted out, Le Pen said Bayrou or Lecornu would be acceptable.
Now the first has been brought down, and already the second threatened. The public discontent against Macronism is of such scale, that they cannot afford being seen as facilitating its continuation.
The PS wanted to form a government, Olivier Faure, current head of the party, made that very clear. Technically, they could have been an option as the PS was eager to distance themselves from LFI. However, the rightwing of les républicains, the republican party, made clear through Retailleau that they would not accept the PS in government.
To try to circumvent the political impasse, Macron tasked Lecornu to consult lawmakers on the budget before picking the ministers to serve in his government. However, this is an unconventional move for France. Macron’s desperate attempt to kick the can down the road by any means necessary will not fundamentally change the situation.
The far more likely scenario however is that Lecornu will soon follow in his predecessor’s footsteps.
One thing is certain in any case. The stability the French ruling class so desperately seeks—since Macron dissolved the National assembly last year the French stock market lost 3.3% while the German DAX Index increased by around 20%—is not on the cards.
In this context, the RN tries to seize on the popular mood and calls for new elections and Macron to step down. They wrap their pro-business politics for the rich in a cloak of hate for oppressed groups and try to position themselves as an anti-system party of reason and stability that would break with the hated Macronism and deliver to the “people” what they deserve. At the same time they denounce the alleged troublemakers of the “Let’s block everything” movement in an attempt to convince the ruling class that they are the only force capable of producing the stability for their investments to flourish and profits to flow. That is a dangerous combination if successful.
LFI is also calling for new elections and Macron to resign, which is of course correct. In the case of new elections however, the RN together with its Ciotti allies who broke with the rightwing Republican party are currently leading the polls with 33%. A united left list in the same constellation as the New Popular Front, so with LFI, PS the Greens and PCF, comes second with 26%, 19% without the LFI, and Macron’s camp ranks third with only 15-16%, another 8% less than in the 2024 legislative elections.
This current constellation is not fixed, but can be changed through class struggle.
Left can win on basis of class struggle
It is important that the existing window of opportunity is used to its maximum potential. This means the general assemblies in the communities, schools, universities and particularly work places need to be reinforced and expanded. They need to be developed into action committees for a general strike, pushing the trade union leaderships to fully engage in and support the struggle.
The 18 September strike needs to be a step up and a new national date of strike action should be decided on already beforehand.
The pension reform movement showed that massive mobilizations are themselves not enough to push back the far-right. While they had not actively built or supported the struggle, they made bigger electoral gains than the left during that period.
It is therefore paramount that next to being strong in terms of numbers, the movement organizes around a clear program that links the rejection of any form of austerity to a clear struggle against all forms of oppression, against the genocide of Palestinians and the destruction of our planet and for fundamental social change that goes beyond taxing the rich, but puts the question of ownership and control over the means of production on the table.
If such a program is coupled with an ambitious strategy that makes clear that it aims to and can actually win and tries to involve the millions of people who hate the politics of Macronism, but have remained passive, what has remained unthinkable yesterday can suddenly become possible.